Courtesy of AN HONORABLE GERMAN @ Flickr.com

The Obama administration has given the green-light to arm Italy’s small drone fleet. The Italian Air Force is hoping to procure hellfire missiles and laser guided bombs to arm their 6 Predator B (MQ-9 Reaper) drones. Pending Congressional approval, this deal would make Italy the only other country besides the UK to own armed US drones.

Critics fear this deal will open the door for other allies to make similar requests. However, this could be precisely the intent of such a deal. According to a WSJ article, the Pentagon wants more NATO members to obtain drones to reduce the burden on the U.S.  One U.S. official was quoted as saying, “We’re anticipating that the floodgates will open” if the Italy sale is approved. And the floodgates appear to be doing just that.

Following the NATO Summit in Chicago last week, Turkish President Abdullah Gul stated that the Obama administration was behind a potential sale of drones to Turkey. “They (the administration) are trying to convince the Congress,” he added.

The Turkish government hopes to deploy the drones in their fight against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

However, US allies outside the NATO alliance, particularly in the Persian Gulf, are also requesting armed drones. Other allies, such as South Korea, Japan, Singapore, Spain, Canada, and the UK have expressed interest in the U.S.’s Global Hawk HALE system.

The issue at hand should not be whether our allies have due cause to purchase such technology or the ability to operate it safely, but rather the proliferation precedent these sales have and will continue to establish.

The MQ-9 Reaper and Global Hawk are clearly “Category I” systems prohibited under the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), of which the U.S. is a member. Presently, however, U.S. officials do not seem to be bothered by this distinction.  Former Defense Secretary Robert Gates testified before a Senate hearing that, “There are other countries that are very interested in this capability and frankly it is, in my view, in our interest to see what we can do to accommodate them.”

For the U.S. to blatantly ignore MTCR guidelines threatens not only the future of the regime but also U.S. security interests. It is true that the MTCR has had its share of difficulties given the proliferation of short and intermediate range ballistic missiles and cruise missiles. However, the regime was critical in the elimination of several states’ missile programs and is an essential barrier to hinder the progress of others. The MTCR works hand-in-hand with the NPT and is a key component of the global nonproliferation regime.

Rather than simply disregarding the MTCR’s “strong presumption of denial” for category one systems, the U.S. should assert a role of leadership in nonproliferation. The dual capacity of UAV systems to function as a platform for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance while simultaneously posing the threat of a potential delivery vehicle is problematic at best.  The success of nonproliferation regimes is dependent upon their ability to adapt to the perpetually evolving landscape of international security.

Perhaps the MTCR should establish a specific procedure for evaluating UAV sales or maybe the aspect of UAV proliferation should be removed altogether from the MTCR and given to another body. Either way, the time for action is now and the upcoming annual MTCR plenary review is the ideal venue for the U.S. to address the situation.

Share on Facebook

Tweet