Byron Generating Station by Michael Kappel
The Energy Transition Demands Nuclear Energy Cooperation
On November 1st, the United States and Republic of Korea signed a Memorandum of Understanding on Principles Concerning Nuclear Export and Cooperation, a provisional agreement to “promote the expansion of peaceful nuclear energy.” This agreement will facilitate research cooperation, which can tackle some of the largest issues in nuclear power, namely capital cost and accident protection, while simultaneously bolstering each countries’ economic security. Building trade and research relationships with U.S. allies improves and secures the domestic nuclear sector and legitimizes U.S. nuclear commitments.
The United States has committed to net-zero carbon emissions by the year 2050, meaning its domestic electric grid must start weaning off both coal and natural gas and onto renewable sources. Nuclear power favorability among Americans has risen by more than 25% in the last 8 years and is increasingly important for the electric grid. This is because it offers stable, high-inertia power with no carbon emissions, making it essential for a zero-carbon grid. Compared to wind and solar power, nuclear power is far better at serving the base load, the minimum electricity demand on the grid. This is due to nuclear’s ability to operate continuously at low cost. That being said, nuclear faces difficulties in responding to demand fluctuations, so nuclear power plants are generally able to supply 35-40% of peak electricity demand. In light of these facts, nuclear power is a necessary tool in the energy transition.
Expanding the U.S.-ROK nuclear relationship will help improve the nuclear energy industry in both countries by promoting innovation and improving safety and cost. As the chance of a nuclear accident and high capital costs are currently the two largest drawbacks of nuclear power, scientific cooperation on nuclear energy could lead to both safer and cheaper reactors. Science diplomacy not only deepens relations between countries, but also improves research output; cooperation between experts from different cultures and academic backgrounds makes scientists scientists confront their own biases and preconceptions. Science diplomacy also enables the sharing of institutional knowledge and research on a deeper level than formal publications. Many American research institutions rely on foreign scientists coming to the United States to access research resources and opportunities that do not exist elsewhere. Enabling this movement curates a better American scientific community.
Partnership with U.S. allies like South Korea on nuclear energy also ensures a stable supply of nuclear fuel and facilitates nuclear power capacity expansion. Currently, Russia provides 44% of and about 20-30% of enrichment services used by North America and Europe. Increasing nuclear energy ties with U.S. allies can coordinate the “friendshoring” of nuclear fuel production. The United States, Canada, France, Japan, and the United Kingdom, or the “Sapporo 5,” recently signed a multilateral agreement to expand nuclear fuel production in U.S.-aligned states. Expanding this partnership to South Korea can guarantee access to nuclear fuel in the United States and among U.S. allies in the case of potential Russian countersanctions. Furthermore, South Korea has expansive nuclear power plant construction infrastructure that can be tapped in a trade relationship. South Korean firms aim to construct nuclear power plants all over the world, including in nations such as Czechia and the UAE. Thus, deepening nuclear cooperation would not only reduce the west’s reliance on Russian nuclear fuel, but also nuclear plant manufacturing and construction supply chains for both the United States and its allies.
Finally, nuclear cooperation with U.S. allies legitimizes U.S. nuclear security agreements by enforcing nonproliferation. When the United States commits to nuclear cooperation with another country, they sign a “123 Agreement“. 123 Agreements legally bind the other country to U.S. standards on nonproliferation, which are considered the most stringent and rigorous in the world. This commitment to nonproliferation implies support for a mutual U.S. commitment to its nuclear umbrella. In order for 123 Agreements to be maintained, the United States should not back out on other security commitments, like U.S. President-Elect Donald Trump suggested in February of this year. In that case, Japan and South Korea may seek their own nuclear weapons to protect themselves, delegitimizing the nonproliferation measures of the 123 Agreements that countries both signed. 123 Agreements serve as one element of the wider collective security environment between the United States and its allies.
The U.S.-ROK Memorandum of Understanding still needs to be approved by the domestic policymakers for each nation, but it is a good step in the right direction. If the agreement leads to substantive cooperation between the two countries in the public and private sector, then the United States should seek to copy the model with other U.S. allies to expand the network of global nuclear cooperation. That being said, several U.S. allies are still indecisive on nuclear energy, or even actively opposed to it, so the United States needs to begin by advocating for nuclear energy across the globe.
Nuclear energy should be the keystone of any sustainable, zero-carbon grid in line with U.S. climate commitments. Securing nuclear supply chains and improving nuclear technology are vital for both the fight against climate change and U.S. energy security. Amidst the energy transition, nuclear cooperation will be necessary to guarantee the reliability of the electric grid, keeping the economy running and the lights on for millions of Americans.
